German Public During WW2

German Public During WW2 To what extent were the German people supportive of Nazi anti-Semitic policy? Only a few years ago, a remarkable book exploded on to the academic scene which initiated a heated and sometimes acrimonious debate amongst historians. The Harvard historian Daniel Goldhagen had argued in his book Hitler’s willing executioners[1] that Germans were culturally predisposed to mistreat and kill Jews. This essay will look the extent to which Germans were supportive of Nazi anti-Semitic policy mainly through the lens of the Goldhagen debate. It will have to explore three interrelated but distinct conceptual questions. Firstly, it will have to determine the nature of the anti-Semitic policies themselves. Secondly, the essay needs to clarify what type of support was typical amongst Germans. Thirdly, the essay needs to ask how support was articulated and how reliable the various types of historical evidence is to reach so dramatic conclusions as Goldhagen did in his work. Goldhagen’s thesis can be summed up briefly by saying that he believes to have identified the single most important motivation of Germans to kill Jews. He writes: ‘[There was a] widespread profound German cultural animus towards Jews that evolved from an early nineteenth century eliminationist form to the more deadly twentieth century incarnation.’[2] While Germans throughout the past two centuries harboured this ‘eliminationist anit-Semitic attitude’ towards the Jewish people, ‘only with the control of Eastern Europe could Germans finally act upon Hitler’s pre-existing exterminationist intentions.’[3] Goldhagen attributes to Germans a general voluntarism and enthusiasm for cruelty in performing their assigned and self-appointed task of exterminating Jews.[4] Goldhagen maintains that all other ways of explaining German anti-Semitic behaviour during the various phases of discriminatory Nazi policy have failed for some reason. The only viable explanation must be, so Goldhagen argues, that Germans were somehow pre-disposed to kill Jews. His claims rests on an analysis of the actions of ordinary Germans, the Police Battalion 101 and their general willingness to execute the exterminationist orders of the Nazi leadership. He then claims that ‘all conventional explanations explicitly or implicitly p osit universal human traits’[5] so that explanations must hold true for everyone. Something Goldhagen insistently rejects. This, he exclaims, is ‘obviously and demonstrably false’[6]. He uses a two-pronged, methodologically questionable, strategy however. First, his thesis undergoes a daring generalisation when he claims that the actions of some Germans, those who willingly engage in mass murder, are indicative of the attitudes of all Germans (something that implicitly accepts by the way the Nazi assumption that assimilated German Jews are not Germans!). The second step is even more audacious methodologically. On some grounds he now claims that this attitudes is a trait specific only to Germans, no one else. He writes: ‘The one explanation adequate to these tasks holds that a demonological anti-Semitism, of the virulent racial variety, was the common structure of the perpetrators cognition, and of German society in general.’[7] In short, Germans killed Jews because they were Germans, and every German would be subscribing to the same eliminationist anti-Semitic attitude. If that is the case, the extent to which Germans were supportive of Nazi anti-Semitic ideology and policy is clear. All Germans potentially supported them, even or especially if this included the physical elimination of the Jewish people. They did so, not because they found Nazi ideology particularly persuasive, or were convinced that this is for the better good of German society, but simply because they were Germans. This identification of an ethnic group with a particular character trait of course is, strictly speaking, no explanation at all.[8] It is a conjecture that awaits evidence and elaboration. Goldhagen provides neither. His logic, as Josef Joffe writes, is simplistic and defies any reasonable historical method. ‘The killers were ordinary Germans, ergo the ordinary Germans were killers.’[9] Goldhagen’s book therefore lack the rigorous methodological standards of any decent historical work. Methodologically his work offers a circular thesis and is conspicuously devoid of argument and evidence. If such a simplistic approach fails to provide an answer to the question, we should look further. First, what was Nazi policy towards the Jews? Historians stress that Nazi policy greatly differed throughout the years of their twelve-year terror reign. Although Hitler had sketched the main outlines of his anti-Semitic attitude even before January 1933 and although Hitler and others were very sympathetic to the sporadic killings, beatings and other reprisals against Jews in German cities, they also feared this would diminish the widespread popular support that the Nazi government enjoyed in the first months after the appointment of Hitler as chancellor. What was needed was to reign in and organise properly the anti-Semitic actions, effectively basing them on a more legal basis and thereby giving them a faà §ade of legitimacy. Behind this problem stood the issue of competency of policy, and a constant state of confusion as to who was responsible for what in the many layers of the new regime. The fact however that Hitler and his inner circle deemed it necessary after coming to power to curtail the actions of the SA and place an ti-Semitic boycotts on a more legal basis indicates that, although many Germans agreed with Hitler’s assessment that Jews had a too prominent role in German economic and social life, they did not necessarily support haphazard, extralegal and sporadic anti-Semitic attacks on a daily basis. The Nazi leadership hence adjusted their policy and from now on favoured a slower approach to eliminating Jews from German public life. Graml notes that a process took place that may be termed the ‘disciplining the persecution of Jews’. He writes: ‘Disciplining the persecution of the Jews meant above all a move away from the terror of the stormtroopers to formal anti-Semitic legislation.’[10] Another significant difference in anti-Semitic policy is equally overlooked by Goldhagen but of great relevance to the question of why Germans supported Nazi policy. With the start of the war in 1939 and the occupation of Poland and other Eastern European countries is became clear that Nazi policy towards Jews distinguished sharply between assimilated German Jews and Sephardic Eastern European Jews. While the former were gradually frozen out of German public life, East European Jews suffered from exterminationist policies almost immediately after the start of the war. The goal of the Nazi leadership with respect to them was immediate and radical obliteration of any Jewish culture and life in this area, something that was eventually extended to the German Jewry as well but only as late as 1943. The difference of treatment is significant since it may indicate that Germans harboured different attitudes to their widely assimilated neighbours and Eastern European Jews. Eventual exterminat ion of German Jews may have been anticipated by the Nazi leadership fairly early on, but the regime lacked the popular support to introduce any radical measures to initiate this process. In fact, historians point out that the progrom of 1938 (Reichskristallnacht) was received with widespread horror and disapproval amongst the German population.[11] The government never engaged in similar boycotts and overt actions against German Jews until the beginning of the war. Graml writes: ‘[to implement] the anti-Semitic message into policy was not simple, other priorities existed, amongst others to solidify their [the Nazi’s] power base. The brutal and open anti-Semitic agitation practiced by the Nazi party failed to make any positive impression at all on the majority of the population.’[12] That does not mean that German Jews did not suffer a horrifying slow marginalisation in German society which culminated in the visible stigmatisation and discrimination of Jews in all parts of public life. Jews were rapidly becoming second class citizens and this process was visible and obvious to every German. It is this process of gradual marginalisation of Jews in German society that probably received most support from ordinary Germans, and which eventually led to a broader acceptance of their ‘final destination’: physical extermination. The broad catalogue of discriminatory measures against German Jews were in effect removing them from German society and ensured that the final step, their physical obliteration, was accepted as inevitable fate as they were increasingly associated with the guilt for war in Nazi propaganda.[13] To summarise, the differences in policy vis-à  -vis Jews in Germany and the occupied territories after the start of the war also elicited different responses by Germans and hence indicate different levels of support. Kulka notes that Germans probably viewed ‘racial legislation as a permanent solution of social, cultural and biological segregation but conditional upon the preservation of public law and order.’[14] Thus Germans distinguished between Eastern European and German Jews, although this differentiation grew less and less significant as the war progressed and as Nazi ideology managed to portray German Jews as similar to those of the Sephardic Jews. The second important issue concerns the constituency of supporters of Nazi ideologies and policy. Who were they? Did they all equally endorse anti-Semitic policies? Goldhagen claims that all ordinary Germans were in fact anti-Semites, and bases this claim on his account of the role of ordinary Germans in the mass killings that occurred in Eastern Europe. His conclusion is a swift and methodologically flawed one: ordinary Germans did the killing, so every ordinary German must potentially be a killer. In this logic, all ordinary Germans would be supportive of the most radically eliminationist policy. A closer look at the evidence reveals a different picture however. Goldhagen was not the first who looked at ‘ordinary Germans’ and emphasised their voluntary and at times sadistic attitude to mass murder. In fact not even the particular focus of his inquiry, the Police Battalions operating in the hinterland of the Eastern front were original. Christopher Browning already published a book on the unparalleled brutality of the Police Battalion 101 and attempts similarly to identify a plausible explanation for the behaviour of the policemen. Although Browning is equally perplexed by the cruelty and viciousness that the policemen displayed throughout the murderous procedures, he rejects any simplistic explanations but instead argues that a whole range of factors may are contributed to the callousness of the men. He stresses in stark contrast to Goldhagen, that at the root of every action lies an individual decision which must be accounted for in individual not generalist terms; an explanatory approach that deeply resonates with the opinion of other scholars.[15] Therefore, dealing with a whole group of murderers, explanations can only sketch some of the most significant factors which may have played a role in stripping the men of their humane and cultural inhibitions. Browning does not shy away from references to the wider German society, but the tone of his propositions is remarkably different to that of Goldhagen. Browning writes: ‘The men of the Reserve Police Battalion 101, like the rest of German society [sic], were immersed in a deluge of racist and anti-Semitic propaganda.’[16] However, he declines to extrapolate from his evidential base to German society as a whole. Instead he is sympathetic to a complex social explanation of their actions. ‘Insidiously, most of those who did not shoot only re-affirmed the ‘macho’ values of the majority according to which it was a positive quality to be ‘tough’ enough to kill unarmed, non-combatant men, women, and children – and tried not to rupture the bonds of comradeship that constituted their social world.’[17] According to Browning, the men were motivated by a raft of socio-psychological aspects not by simply being German. This should illustrate that talking about Germans as a collection of individuals who feature that same preternatural anti-Semitic disposition makes little sense. It fails to acknowledge the variance of opinion on Nazi ideology and policy as well as cannot explain why some become inhibited murderers and others do not. Their ethnic identity (being German) does not add up to be a plausible explanation of their allegedly eliminationist anti-Semitism since it cannot take account of the fact the Germans frequently intermarried with Jews since their emancipation in 1867. German had long ceased to be a homogenous ethnic group, tied together by ‘purity of blood lines’ as Nazi ideology suggested. Now let us proceed to the last issue, the forms in which Germans may have expressed their support for anti-Semitic policies. Again, a methodologically difficulty lies at the heart of this issue. How to distinguish between those who gave their tacit support and those who engaged in demonstrative actions of support? Which form was a more accurate reflection of endorsement for Nazi policies? Historians have pointed out that about half a million Germans were actively involved in the Final Solution, the physical extermination of Jews after 1943. This included administrative work as well as the actual killings. Important sections of the economy and government were directly involved in the killings by providing crucial assistance in terms of resources, material and time to the Holocaust.[18] Interestingly, we do not have to engage in a flight of fancy guess work but have some hard facts that may shed some light on the forms and extent of support for anti-Semitic policies amongst the German population. Nazis as well as the victorious armies conducted extensive surveys that were supposed to demonstrate the extent to which anti-Semitism messages were favourably received by the German population. Kulka sums up the evidence: ‘the post 1945 surveys†¦ give [us] a reliable indication of attitudes amongst Germans: twenty percent were supportive of Nazi policies towards Jews; nineteen percent were generally in favour [of anti-Semitic policies] but said that Hitler had gone too far. Overall the surveys found that identification with the Final Solution was quite widespread among the public in the Third Reich.’[19] The question however remains whether the silence on the Holocaust was due to indifference or reflected endorsement of physical elimination of Jews. Norbert Frei argues that the extent to which workers had been won over by Nazi policies may give us a reliable clue as to the amount of support. He argues that the Nazi slogan of Volksgemeinschaft (people’s community) somehow captures the essence of anti-Semitism and the gradual acceptance of this idea would in turn show how far Germans had consented to discriminatory measures against Jews. By the mid 1930s, Frei argues, the German workers had virtually be convinced the idea of people’s community was constitutive for German society, a concept that would preclude any participation of Jews in German public life.[20] This hints at those pockets of resistance to Nazi propaganda which many historians conventionally identify as conservative, catholic milieus and whose resilience to Nazi propaganda can only be explained by social and cultural factors, an explanation that Goldhagen explicitly rejects. Overall, to what extent were Germans really supportive of anti-Semitic policies? The question evokes a complex answer. Policy changed throughout the regime and hence the degree of support differed. Also, policies varied with regard to different ethnic groups of Jews throughout Europe, and so did the response and support of Germans for these policies. And finally, German people were not a unitary entity. Their responses to Nazi policy was influenced by their educational, cultural, religious and social background, by the different level of sympathy for the wider Nazi ideology, as well as by the way in which they were affected themselves by Nazi policies throughout the regime. Given this wide range of variances, no serious historian can offer only one universal portrait of German support for anti-Semitic measures. Bibliography Christopher R. Browning. Ordinary Men. Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland. New York: Harper Collins 1992. Norbert Frei. People’s Community and War: Hitler’s Popular Support. In Hans Mommsen (ed.). The Third Reich between Vision and Reality. New Perspectives on German History 1918-1945. Oxford New York: Berg 2001. Daniel Jonah Goldhagen. Hitler’s Willing Executioners. Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust. London: Abacus 1996. Hermann Graml. Anti-Semitism in the Third Reich. Oxford: Blackwell 1992. Josef Joffe. ‘The Killers were ordinary Germans, ergo the ordinary Germans were killers’: The Logic, the Language and the Meaning of a Book that conquered Germany. In Robert R. Shandley (ed.). Unwilling Germans? The Goldhagen Debate. London: University of Minnesota Press 1998. Otto Dov Kulka. The German Population and the Jews: State of Research and New Perspectives. In David Bankier (ed.). Probing the Depths of German Anti-Semitism. German Society and the Persecution of the Jews, 1933-1941. Jerusalem: Yad Vashem 2000. Hans Mommsen. From Weimar to Auschwitz. Essays in German History. Cambridge: Polity 1991. P.G.J. Pulzer. The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria. New York e.a.: Wiley 1964. Roger W. Smith. ‘Ordinary Germans’, the Holocaust, and Responsibility: Hitler’s Willing Executioners in Moral Perspective. In Franklyn H. Littell (ed.). Hyping the Holocaust. Scholars answer Goldhagen. Merion Station 1997. 1 Footnotes [1] Daniel Jonah Goldhagen. Hitler’s Willing Executioners. Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust. London: Abacus 1996. [2] Goldhagen, Willing Executioners, p.375. [3] Goldhagen, Willing Executioners, p.375. [4] Goldhagen, Willing Executioners, p.375. [5] Goldhagen, Willing Executioners, p.389. [6] Goldhagen, Willing Executioners, p.389. [7] Goldhagen, Willing Executioners, p.392. [8] Cf. Roger W. Smith. ‘Ordinary Germans’, the Holocaust, and Responsibility: Hitler’s Willing Executioners in Moral Perspective. In Franklyn H. Littell (ed.). Hyping the Holocaust. Scholars answer Goldhagen. Merion Station 1997, p.48-49. [9] Josef Joffe. ‘The Killers were ordinary Germans, ergo the ordinary Germans were killers’: The Logic, the Language and the Meaning of a Book that conquered Germany. In Robert R. Shandley (ed.). Unwilling Germans? The Goldhagen Debate. London: University of Minnesota Press 1998, p.217. [10] Hermann Graml. Anti-Semitism in the Third Reich. Oxford: Blackwell 1992, p.96. [11] Hans Mommsen. From Weimar to Auschwitz. Essays in German History. Cambridge: Polity 1991, p.241. [12] Graml, Anti-Semitism, p.89. [13] Otto Dov Kulka. The German Population and the Jews: State of Research and New Perspectives. In David Bankier (ed.). Probing the Depths of German Anti-Semitism. German Society and the Persecution of the Jews, 1933-1941. Jerusalem: Yad Vashem 2000, p.274. [14] Kulka, Population, p.273. [15] Cf. P.G.J. Pulzer. The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria. New York e.a.: Wiley 1964, p.31. [16] Christopher R. Browning. Ordinary Men. Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland. New York: Harper Collins 1992, p.184 [17] Browning, Ordinary Men, p.185. [18] Mommsen, Weimar, p.225. [19] Kulka, Population, p.279f. [20] Norbert Frei. People’s Community and War: Hitler’s Popular Support. In Hans Mommsen (ed.). The Third Reich between Vision and Reality. New Perspectives on German History 1918-1945. Oxford New York: Berg 2001, p.63.

The Battle of the Sexes

The battle of the sexes has raged on as long as anyone can remember. Each sex, at some point, has either wanted or believed they had the upper hand over the other. It can be in the form of a power struggle or manipulation that one sex proves itself dominant over the other. Many times they find that they are evenly matched. The power balance in today’s society is fairly balanced. We have men who show deep feeling and women who are aggressive and harsh. We also have the opposite in both sexes.Science is still working to discover how much our DNA affects our sex in terms of aggressiveness, affections and other factors in relationships. Science has yet to prove that there is a battle of the sexes at genetic level. Therefore much of it is dictated by society and its expectations of a particular sex. These expectations change through time and there are always exceptions to the rules. There was a time when women were dominant in certain areas, such as the household and men were releg ated to dominate out of doors.There are other times where males are completely dominant and the female submissive. The roles change back and forth through time, each time getting a little more evenly balanced between the sexes. For the most part, today’s society see men and women as equals. There are still issues to be addressed but for the most part we are equal in almost everything. The movie â€Å"How to Lose a Guy in 10 Days, is set in present time and shows both sexes as equally driven to succeed. Andi, the main female, is a modern woman who believes most relationships fail because men just don’t understand the female mind.She believes that men allow themselves be driven off due to certain things women tend to do in relationships. She also believes that men don’t want to put forth the effort that a true relationship takes to succeed. She sets out to prove this by betting her boss she can â€Å"lose a guy in 10 days† by doing everything that is usual ly the death of a relationship. She picks out a man named Ben and sets to work. Andi is a modern woman who believes that she is an equal in every way to the male in a relationship and even superior at times.She does everything she can to prove her point. She tries things such as clinging, mentioning marriage, calling his mother and many others. Ben, the main male, believes that women want to fall in love and make that the goal of a relationship when they meet a man. He believes that by telling a woman what she wants to hear and overlooking her â€Å"quirks† men can make any woman fall in love with them. He too makes a bet with his co workers that he can get a woman to fall in love with in 10 days. He picks Andi at the same time she picks him.Both believe that they understand the opposite sex better than the other and can gain the upper hand in a relationship. Ben is shown as an over confident male who thinks ignoring all the things she is doing will make her fall in love him within 10 days. Outwardly he overlooks her buying a dog â€Å"for them†, interrupting his poker games and similar incidents but inwardly he is cringing. He cannot figure out how she turned into such a clingy, needy, marriage minded woman so quickly. Andi, for her part, cannot believe he has not yet called the relationship off.Both find that without all the games and manipulation, they are on equal ground and the male-female relationship does not have to be a contest and their perceptions of the opposite sex were not always correct. In the movie, â€Å"The Wedding Crashers†, the two main male characters, John and Jeremy, have been breaking hearts for years. They believe that flirting and sex are fine as long as they do not get attached. They portrayed as not believing love is worth the risk you must take to get it. If you fall in love, you get hurt so avoiding commitment of any sort is one of their most basic rules.They crash weddings to pick up bridesmaids, whom they w ill never see again and enjoy woman after woman with no regrets. They are successful in business and do not think of the future as it pertains to love. In the 1990, where this movie is set, men are still portrayed as being a more knowledgeable regarding the opposite sex. They believe if they say the right things and keep it casual they are safe from being pulled into a relationship. The women in the film, Claire and her sister Gloria, approach the male –female relationship from opposite directions.Claire is self assured and believes herself to be too smart to fall for the usual pickup lines and manipulations. She holds herself at a distance to causing men to have to approach her rather than approaching them. Gloria is manipulative and aggressive. She is a cheerful and persistent pursuer and does not allow herself to be deterred. Both women reflect the modern woman in different ways. Claire shows it with her self assurance and Gloria with her belief that she can be the aggress or in a relationship. Both are facets of the era we live in and there is no right or wrong in these representations.As the characters find out, both sexes can be the user or the used, depending on the circumstance. Claire has the power to draw the men to her by being aloof or unobtainable, thereby issuing a challenge to the males to overcome her barriers. She is diplomatic but does not meet a man halfway. She likes to control the situation on her terms. Gloria is the complete opposite of her sister and goes after her chosen man with using all her wiles. She is sweet one minute and throwing a tantrum the next, all the while keeping her intended fascinated by her mercurial moods.She has no problem initiating sex and as with most present day women, is not afraid to admit she has a sex drive. Claire is not a prudish woman but chooses more carefully then her impulsive sister. Gloria tends to be needier than Claire, clinging to her chosen man because she worries her clinging will drive hi m off. Claire is presented as a strong woman who will take only the right man and not just anyone who happens along. When John falls for Claire, Jeremy is stunned and dismayed. He urges John to remember the rules they followed. , who wants an immediate commitment from him.While John is trying to woo Claire, who remains just out of reach, Jeremy is targeted by Gloria. She begins to pursue him so intensely that she frightens him. The couples are shown as opposites of each other with the female aggressor in one relationship and the male aggressor in the other. It shows the modern day balance that both sexes have worked hard to achieve and maintain. The results are both couples finding out that both mixes work and they really want to continue their . relationships. The Philadelphia Story is set in the 40s and the main female, Tracy Lord, is a rich, spoiled woman used to getting her way.She has beauty and she has money and that is what really matters in that society. With those two thing s, she can treat a man anyway she likes and be admired for it. People consider her strong and willful but consider it her right to be so. Of all the characters in this movie, the female Tracy, wields most of the power. While the husbands are given certain due simply because they are men, she uses all the expected female wiles and they capitulate. The males are shown as expected to cater to the woman’s whims because she is a rich and beautiful prize.The female acts as she is expected to and in return makes demands of the men that must be filled, lest she move on to the next beau. This was an age of romance as well and both men and women were portrayed as romantic at heart. The males are also shown as having a softer side. Tracy breaks up with her groom, George, because he misunderstood a situation and didn’t believe what she told him happened. He storms out, leaving a church full of wedding guests and everything set to go. Another man offers to step in but it is ex husb and Dexter, who has been in love with her since they divorced, who marries Tracy.In the time of â€Å"The Philadelphia Story† women were expected to draw the men to them, rather than pursue them openly. There were always exceptions to this rule, especially for the extremely wealthy. Women were to be ladylike at all times, however, this gave them power even as it took some from them. Men could openly pursue a lady but if she chose to play coy or hard to get, they would have to work hard to win her favor. Men were portrayed as sophisticated and suave. They were the aggressors, but only to the point that they be the chosen one.They still had to curry favor from the female to keep her as their prize. Women were admired more for wealth, beauty and elegance in those days than for intelligence or imagination. Today’s expectations of the sexes are much different for most people. Women are accepted as equally intelligent, imaginative and brave. We now have women in combat; this does not reflect on them as women, it enhances their appeal. Men are doing cooking shows and designing clothing. There are still diving lines in some areas but we are making progress as shown in the films and in life.Blustain, S. (2000, November). The New Gender Wars. Psychology Today, 33, 42. Cohan, S. (1997). Masked Men: Masculinity and the Movies in the Fifties. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Connell, Robert William: Gender and Power, Cambridge: University Press 1987 Essentials of Sociology (2005) Appelbaum,R. , Duneier, M. & Giddius, A. Website: http://www2. wwnorton. com/college/soc/essoc/reviews/ch09. asp Galician, M. (2004). Sex, Love & Romance in the Mass Media: Analysis & Criticism of Unrealistic Portrayals & Their Influence. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.How to Lose a Guy in 10 Days (2003) starring Kate Hudson, Matthew McCaughey and Adam Goldberg. Directed by Donald Petrie, Paramount Studios The Philadelphia Story (1940) starring Katherine Hepburn, C ary Grant and James Stewart, Directed by George Cukor, Warner Bros. The Wedding Crashers (2005) starring Owen C Wilson, Vince Vaughn, Christopher Walkin Directed by David Dobkin, New Line Home Entertainment Channel 14 Battle of the Sexes Website: http://www. channel4. com/science/microsites/B/battle_sexes/ Wikipedia (2007): Culture and Gender Roles Website: http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Gender_role#Culture_and_gender_roles

Using Compare and Contrast Essay Topics College Level

Using Compare and Contrast Essay Topics College Level The Compare and Contrast Essay Topics College Level Game Writing an excellent essay might be a bit of cake if you're feeling inspired. To compose a high-quality paper, you've got to understand how to select your topic properly and utilize it to create a practical outline. In case the topic isn't relevant enough, you have a really compact chance to compose a remarkable paper. One thing which you should definitely consider when picking a specific topic to go over in your paper, is relevance. New Step by Step Roadmap for Compare and Contrast Essay Topics College Level Comparative essays are a breeze to write. Academically suitable compare contrast essay topics ought to be stimulating in addition to attention-grabbing. You may select any two similar topics that you select to compare and write off your essay. A number of the essay topics below may appear to contain subjects that don't have anything in common. 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The Secret to Compare and Contrast Essay Topics College Level Academic success in the USA colleges, and universities, is de pendent on your capacity to adhere to the rules while including a personal touch that makes you stick out among your peers. Both small and big universities can provide students with the opportunities to realize educational objectives. It is possible to also speak to students and teachers to learn their opinion on education. Students that need over a list of good topics may hire professional academic writers online to acquire the maximum grade with no distinctive efforts. Your argument needs to be based on your own opinion. Essay is various suggestions and suggestions. Philosophical topics may be controversial since many things have more than 1 explanation for it, therefore it isn't simple to specify the truth. When you compose an essay on moral topics, describe the issue from various points of view, showing either side of the very same problem. 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By way of example, when it concerns different cultures in the planet, your task isn't to define the very best culture, yet to demonstrate ways to celebrate diversity between nations. You don't need to discuss major difficulties and changes in education in case you don't want. The Compare and Contrast Essay Topics College Level Pitfall In lots of sections of text's most important body you are supposed to demonstrate different contrast or compare points. Choosing the appropriate topics might take a while in case you don't have a list of sample topics facing you. If you wish to be sure you have a distinctive topic for your essay, you may look through the overall directions of our topics and hunt to learn more online. The topics you'll find here require an exceptional approach as you attempt to develop useful and accurate content. In any case, whatever sort of writing you do, you need to always learn something from it. A good example will give a general idea. The first thing which you have to do before you get started writing is to decide on a proper topic to write about. For example an individual may opt for a topic like, life in the shoes of a werewolf.

Exploration of Clinical and Counseling Psychology - 740 Words

Clinical and counseling psychology has been one of the potential career field I may be pursuing in the near future. I have been very interested in both but currently unsure which career path is for me. In order to help myself reach definite terms on what is the possible career path I would like to pursue between clinical and counseling psychology, it is of great significance to continue my ongoing knowledge and exploration about the clinical and counseling career field. I have always been interested on working with people of mental disorders. An uncle of mine and my older brother suffers from schizophrenia. A number of close relative members suffers from depression ranging from severe to mild depression. One of them have attempted suicide three times in the past. There is also history of anxiety disorders in my family. These personal relationship towards people with mental disorders have sparked my interest to work directly with people of mental disorders. Practitioners who work directly with people of mental disorders are typically clinical psychologists. Practitioners in clinical psychology involves â€Å"applications of principles, methods, and procedures for understanding, predicting, and alleviating intellectual, emotional, biological, psychological, social and behavioral maladjustment, disability and discomfort, applied to a wide range of client populations† (Kamer, 2009). This is something I can see myself doing in the future. Now, my interest withShow MoreRelatedA Master s Degree Of Clinical And Mental Health Counseling952 Words   |  4 PagesCredentials I hold a Master’s degree of Clinical and Mental Health Counseling (2015) from Immaculata University. My undergraduate degree in Psychology with a concentration in Abnormal Psychology was earned at Kean University. I am licensed in the state of Pennsylvania as a Licensed Professional Counselor and Certified Clinical Mental Health Counselor. 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